Apparently, Kofman and I aren't the only ones who consider this inability to defend democracy to be a problem for Yarvin doubters, whether they are liberals, conservatives, neolibs, communitarians, communists or whatever. Kofman quotes one Yarvin devotee who says that what drew him to that contrarian's blog was the fact that it makes me feel like I've got something that people in Washington who think they're really smart can't actually make a compelling argument against.
I don't think there's any question that this is a legitimate problem. Indeed, almost everything I've written in the last decade myself has been part of my (obviously feeble) attempt to explain why democracy is a good thing--whatever problems it may engender. No Yarvin myself however, it is likely that very few (of my very few) readers will have taken much from my repetitive lectures.
Sadly, I note that even Kofman may not quite get this stuff right--in spite of her surely getting Yarvin's flaws down beautifully. She writes, for example, that Without a vigorous system of checks and balances, one man's crank ideas--like starting an incoherent trade war that upends the global economy don't get filtered out. They become policies that enrich [Trump's] family and his allies. But that's not really the problem at all, and what's worse, checks are intended to be brakes on democracy, and thus cannot be sensibly used to support the very notion of majoritarianism. Kofman lets slip a sense of what she thinks is basic when whe writes that Yarvin has little to say on the question of human flourishing. Clearly she thinks that's a misstep on his part. But if flourishing is to be the ultimate goal, it's likely that those looking for an all-powerful CEO or philosopher king are just as likely to win the day. Sure, democracy may bring about human flourishing, but it also may not. That's part of its DNA: it simply allows a populace to (within limits*) get what it wants at the time, whether sensible or nuts. If the appropriate search is simply for happy endings, whether democracy is most likely to provide the best road is a purely empirical matter.
Kofman seems also to conflate democracy with liberalism, forgetting--at least for a moment--that democracies may be (minimally in my view) illiberal.* She says, e.g., In the past decade, liberalism has taken a beating from both sides of the political spectrum. Its critics to the left view its measured gradualism as incommensurate to the present multiple emergencies; climate change, inequality, the rise of an ethno-nationalist right. Conservatives, by contrast, paint liberalism as a cultural leviathan that has trampled traditional values underfoot. Whether or not liberalism requires the reaching of any of the specified goals, is unclear, but democracy certainly need not. Again, it's a mistake to suggest that we can measure how democratic a polity is by how well it is doing in terms of "human flourishing," as if a polity could not be democratic if its stupid and/or cruel citizens cannot govern in anything but stupid or cruel ways. Such a position actually falls into a Yarvinesque trap by accepting the view that democracy is bad idea if a populace is ignorant or easily fooled.
I don't want to try to get into anything like a detailed defense of democracy and democratic values in a little blog post. I will only (again) suggest that those interested in my views should take a look at a bunch of relevant entries here at luckorcunning, my published papers on those subjects, or (best of all, imo) my book on democratic theory. But I will say here that if one is most in search of democratic means to prevent self-enrichment by an office-holder, the best answers seem to me to be robust Recall and Referendum provisions, rather than anything like bicameral legislatures, Filibuster capabilities, Executive vetoes, or requirements for supermajorities. Beefing up Madisonian "checks" (i.e., impediments) to authentic self-government are certainly neither the answer to Yarvin nor to the current problems besetting the United States under Trump.
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* I won't attempt to specify all the limits I believe must constrain majoritarianism for authentic democracy to obtain. But to give the general idea, there must at least be equal treatment and protection for all, a right to vote and run for office for all competent residents, free speech, free association, and free assembly.
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